The Dialogues of Plato Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

The Dialogues of Plato - Essay Example Plato has made immense contributions in the field of philosophy where he wrote about the ideas regarding knowledge, metaphysics, forms and other similar ideas. More importantly, Plato wrote about the state where he gave ideal forms of governance. Though a few of his ideas were derived from Socrates, yet he was often found being deviated from that of Socrates. Out of all the works, the most intriguing one is in the state, where he identified three classes or castes in society (Plato & Benjamin 88-89); Furthermore, he gives the idea of the philosopher king who should be the central figure governing the state, and proper training of those eligible for this office must go through a rigorous education system. Thus, his work on the state and republic is one of the most applauded efforts and is appreciated till time. The positive side of the idea is the classification which clearly identifies and divides individuals based on their inherent capabilities. This ideal is pragmatic to date since it is now an accepted notion that individuals must be assigned careers according to their capabilities. This concept is clear and distinct and is thus one of the most celebrated works associated to Plato. On the negative side, his inclination towards an aristocratic state is deemed to be the most negative side to this theory. According to Plato, aristocracy is the kind of governance where a philosopher king is the central figure of the state, and thus, he is the one who must rule the republic based on reason and wisdom. Also, he further stated that the aristocracy would decline to a timocracy over time, which would further deteriorate first into an oligarchy and then to a democracy and finally to tyranny (Plato & Benjamin 66-68).  

Political Implications of Sophocles Book - Antigone Research Paper

Political Implications of Sophocles Book - Antigone - Research Paper Example Lack of satisfaction on the form of leadership attracts criticism while what they deem to be the best form of leadership that leaders ought to adopt is exalted by different authors. Thoughts of authors could either have positive or negative influences on the people who read their work. In analysing the dangers of different authors, this paper will look at two thinkers and authors of ancient history. An analysis of Sophocles’ ideas in Antigone and Plato’s The Trial and Death of Socrates will be used as the reference to the analysis. In his book Antigone, Sophocles explores on the punishment which disobedient people in Thebes, the kingdom of Greek. It also showed the various methods used in ruling the kingdom. The author, in his choice of using a woman as the main character, showed the theme of the plight of women in the times, though in a negative way. He chose to support the plight of women, as the episodes of the book progress. On his part, however, Plato in his book, the trial and death of Socrates, he explores the influence of political leaders and their influence on the subjects. The book portrays Socrates in a devilish way as he manipulates the people around him with his philosophical influence. Plato himself was an astute follower of Socrates and had done so out of choice. Socrates believes that Plato’s closeness to him made him vulnerable to manipulation. Rarely would he speak on his first-person voice, as he often made reference to a different force behind his words, that of Socrates? His reasoning and ideas, though very dynamic and radical as an influence from his mentor, does not make him much dangerous as his counterpart Sophocles. Sophocles develops personal ideas and thoughts and sends his sentiments through his book. Through his book, he portrays himself as a dis-respecter of humanity.

Home And Home Office Computers Essay Example for Free

Home And Home Office Computers Essay International Business Machines Corporation (IBM) deals with computer technology, offering both products and consulting services. It offers a range of hardware and software products. It also offers infrastructure services. IBM is a high performance organization and this is very evident from its operation and performance. IBM is a multinational corporation with its headquarters at Armonk, New York but spreading to all parts of the world. It is the largest computer company and the most profitable. It have 370, 000 employees in different parts of the world representing the largest information technology employer. IBM controls a big share of its market and has expanded to many parts of the world. These factors show that IBM is one of the high performance organizations of the world. The results of IBM show clearly its leadership role in the computer technology sector. Its operations of the recent past have produced results that show its high performance and its ability to continue performing well. The financial report for the year ended December 31 2006, posted in the company’s website (http://www. ibm. com/investor/financials/index. phtml), showed that the company had a net income of $9,492 million as compared to $7,934 million the previous years. There was growth in total revenue from $91,134 million in 2005 to $91,424 million in 2006. The earnings per share for the year 2006 were $6. 11 compared with $4. 87 the previous year. Using revenue, net income and the earnings per share as the performance indicators we can clearly see that IBM posted very good results and indicated growth. IBM has been expanding its operation to all parts of the world. IBM provides technology solutions to businesses, organization to all parts of the world with an aim of helping the users to achieve increased productivity and success. The company’s values of â€Å"dedication to every client’s success, Innovation that matters-for our company and for the world and trust and personal responsibility in all relationships† (http://www. ibm. com/investor/corpgovernance/cgbcg. phtml) have enabled the company to establish relationship all over the world thus resulting to gaining of a big share of the market. IBM is the largest computer company and the most profitable. Thus using the market share as the performance indicator we see that IBM is a high performance company. Besides that IBM have in the recent past made many notable acquisition meaning it’s aimed at growing. IBM is very concerned with the satisfaction of its customers. IBM uses tools, processes, procedures and mechanisms of generating feedback aimed at making sure the customer is satisfied. The company monitors and responds to problems of customer so as to achieve customer satisfaction. It also provides expertise assistance all the time to its customers. According to CRM today website (http://www. crm2day. com/news. crm/EpZuVZFUZaMbMinnv. php) a research carried out by Technology Business Research Inc showed that IBM had topped its competitors in customer satisfaction. This was attributed to the IBM’s PC Hardware quality and reliability. On March 2007 IBM was awarded the Genesys Gold Certification. This was for IBM’s expertise, innovation and customer satisfaction (Http://www. genesyslab. com/news. archives/2007/march/ibm-gold-certication. asp IBM values its employees and puts efforts to see that their employees are treated well. IBM does not discriminate employees on any ground be it physical attributes or genetics. IBM has been helped by its employees to become a high performance organization. Through good human resource management the company allows its employees from all over the world to participate in core decision making. IBM involved its employees in the formulation of the company’s values in 2003. The company has also facilitated discussion among its employees on key business issues. This has helped the company to brainstorm on new ideas that have contributed to improvement of the performance of the company. IBM also involved its employees in brainstorming on innovation ideas. All these efforts were aiming at involvement of the employees on the key issues affecting IBM operations. This issues ranging from employee relationship as expressed in the company values to various practices in the company and innovation (http://www. research. ibm. com/journal/sj/404/gongla. html). IBM’s good treatment of its employees has led to great benefits to the companies. Employees are more dedicated to the values of the company and to offering quality services to the customers. These have led to more satisfied customers translating to good sales. Good human resource management has led to great benefit to the company through innovation of the employees hence leading to more productivity and innovation. The human resources best practices by IBM include involvement of the employees in key issues affecting the company. The employees were involved in the formulation and rewriting of the company values. In this all the employees from all parts of the world contributed their ideas and were summarized to produce the three care values of IBM Corporation. IBM also involved its employees in contributing ideas on practices that can bring success to the company. Another best practice is good treatment of the employees. IBM do not discriminate any employee on any ground and offers employment to all. These practices have contributed much to making IBM one of the High performance corporations. Reference: CRM Today. IBM Tops Competitors in Customer Satisfaction. Retrieved on February 06, 2008from http://www. crm2day. com/news/crm/EplZuVZFuVaMbBlnnv. php GENESYS. IBM Awarded Genesys Gold Certification for Expertise, innovation and customer satisfaction. Retrieved on February 06, 2008from http://www. genesyslab. com/news/archives/2007/march/ibm_gold_certification. asp Gongla P. and Rizzuto C. R. Evolving communities of practice: IBM Global Services experience. IBM Systems Journal. Retrieved on February 06, 2008from http://www. research. ibm. com/journal/sj/404/gongla. html IBM. Financial Information. Retrieved on February 06, 2008 from http://www. ibm. com/investor/financials/index. phtml IBM. Corporate governance. Retrieved on February 06, 2008 from http://www. ibm. com/investor/corpgovernance/cgbcg. phtml)

History and Influences on South East Asia

History and Influences on South East Asia CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION If there were only two men in the world, how would they get on? They would help one another, harm one another, flatter one another, slander one another, fight one another, make it up, they could neither live together nor do without one another Philosophical Dictionary, 1764 Increasing role of China in South Asia has attracted the attention of the policy framers as well as scholars. Its foreign policy towards Southeast Asia has varied from indifference to hostility, but Chinese interest in the region has persisted since 1949. While India occupies a vital position in the Chinese calculation, there are discernible variations in Chinese policy towards other states in the region. The behaviour of Southeast Asian states towards China has also varied. Notwithstanding the persistence of the Indian factor in their perceptions, we observe different response to Chinese behaviour and policy in these states. Chinese foreign policy is undergoing a metamorphosis never seen in the history of the Peoples Republic (PRC). The country has enjoyed a more secure place in the world than before, yet it has remained dissatisfied with its international status. Chinas quest for international legitimacy and a positive image is tested by its pursuit of security interests and the power politics logic of its own and other states. Chinese foreign policy strategy has equally stressed the need to protect its national interest in a threatening world and the struggle to remold the international environment in line with its preferences. Clearly PRC foreign policy is complicated, dynamic, and consequential. China has managed to become a rising star in the international arena, both politically and economically. The bipolar world order lasting for nearly half a century came eventually to an abrupt end in the closing months of the 1980s as a result of dramatic changes in Eastern Europe and the so-called post cold w ar era began in the final decade of this century. China has some motivations in the Southeast Asia one of these is China is in pursuit of hegemony[1] in the region, another possibility is primarily defensive an attempt to neutralize the region while China focuses on internal priorities and the third possibility is to have a cooperative structure. India is seeking an expanded role in the international Geo-political arena which includes Asia and Southeast Asia. Indias growing economy ,common energy security interests, national interest, and power projection makes India China a Peer competitor. Beijings current goal in southeast Asia is to maintain a stable environment around its periphery to assure others that China is not threat, and to encourage economic ties that contribute to Chinas economic modernization and thus regime stability. The foreign policy instruments that Beijing has employed to secure its goals are constituent throughout most of Southeast Asia, but the priorities assigned to different strategic goals vary depending on Chinas interest in different part of the region. CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east Asia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian Region.. Justification of the Study The most significant strategic development after the Cold War, is probably the sudden growth in Chinas economic potential and consequent national power. A rapid rise in power of a major country in the past has usually led to tension in the region, conflict with the neighbours and eventually a war. To make an assessment of Chinas posture well into the future is fraught with number of uncertainties. Equally, a projection of that role in the next century would, of necessity, demand an intimate acquaintance with how the Chinese have been involved in their dealings with this part of the world in the past. Above all, how that relationship has evolved, to the present day environment. Idea shall be to restrict the paper and sketch out important events in the near past, which have shaped the present and loom larger than the hoary past on the future that is yet in the limbo. The basic intention in writing this dissertation is To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east As ia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian . A direct question has been addressed whether or not China restricts India from emerging as a global player. Scope Axiomatically any meaningful discussion of Chinas role in Southeast Asia would imply an understanding of its relations with the Indian subcontinent as a whole. Of the worlds great powers, China is geographically the closest to the Southeast Asian countries. It has common borders with Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, Caombodia. There is significant cultural similarities far reaching political and strategic repercussions over the past couple of centuries, and has propelled the worlds most populous regions into interaction in a wide variety of ways. From a simple geographical perspective, qualitative changes in the Chinas foreign policy should be expected if China grows from a medium-sized power to superpower. At its present rate of economic growth, Chinas productive capabilities and total wealth will soon outstrip those of the other Asian powers. As a weaker power, Chinas dependence on the favour of its neighbours has been comparatively high. But increased relative capabilities make i t feasible for a rising great power to exert greater control over its surroundings. If the opportunity arises to establish a dominant role in the region, China can be expected to seize it. Thus the scope of this paper has been restricted to Chinese dominance in the Southeast Asian region, which will pose vexing problems for India . An attempt has been made to analyse, how India can focus and counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian. Organisation of Dissertation. The study is proposed to be dealt in the following sequence: Modern History strat influences in South East Asia. Political Economy of South East Asia. Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Indian political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Comparative Analysis of Indian Chinese politico-economic strategies in SE Asia. Recommended response of India to expand its influence in the region. CHAPTER III MODERN HISTORY AND STRATEGIC INFLUENCES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The post-Cold War world is seeing in some areas a resurgence of nationalism and in others a greater emphasis on regionalism. These two tendencies will overlap. In Southeast Asia national and ethnic differences were significantly blunted by European colonialism and in some cases have been further submerged in the post-colonial period of new nation states. But what is new in Southeast Asia is the development of voluntary (as distinct from externally mandated) cooperation on a sub-regional or regional level. Most recently there is the assertion of an Asian identity, shared by Southeast Asians, which is sharply distinguished from Western value systems, social norms and economic models. It is too early to say how far that will be taken or how much it will influence the political and social development of Southeast Asia. The very important differences between and indeed even within the Southeast Asian countries induces some skepticism in academic circles about the existence of Asian values [2] etc. But there is no doubt that there is a perception in the region of some essential shared values or priorities, and a rejection of what are seen as Western individualistic and libertarian values. An embryonic sense of shared interests transcending ethnic or national groups emerged in colonial times between independence movements, student movements and other groups, including notably the various Marxist-inspired or communist movements in the region. But until after the Pacific War there was little connection across the region. The colonial empires were very separate and governed on different principles. It is a common observation nowadays that Australia, on the fringe of the region, only recently and belatedly become aware of and involved with its Southeast Asian neighbors. That is true, though with some qualifications. There was peripheral contact in the north even before the Europeans colonized Australia. But in the colonial era there was no steady development of contact or interest. The shifting patterns of alliance politics in Europe affected such contacts as there were between the colonial administrations in Southeast Asia and Australia, and indeed between the Southeast A sian colonial administrations themselves. Australia was not unique, or even unusual, in having little contact with its neighbors and in having its external links directed principally along the lines laid down by the metropolitan power. What are now the independent nations of Southeast Asia also had little contact with each other during the European colonial period. Just as the lines of communication and trade ran from Melbourne and Sydney to London, so did those between the French, Dutch, and other British colonies and the respective metropolitan powers in Europe. Right up to the Pacific War there was little or no communication between, for example, what are now Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines. The links ran from Manila to the United States, from Batavia to the Netherlands, from Hanoi to France, and so on. It was the remarkable Japanese campaign which began at the end of 1941 which precipitated or accelerated the radical changes which took place between 1945 and the end of the Vietnam war. The sheer speed and success of the Japanese successes against numerically superior defending forces in Southeast Asia made a strong impression on opinion in the erstwhile colonies. The Japanese failed to capitalize on that in the sense that after early political successes in encouraging nationalist and pro-Japanese movements the appeal to shared Asian interests lost plausibility in the face of Japanese policies and actions which were exploitative or worse. Although Japan lost the war and left wounds in the region which are still not healed, the war precipitated the end of the moribund European colonial era, and accelerated the creation of independent states largely within borders established by the colonial empires. For some years trade and other economic links remained predominantly in the old colon ial grooves but with the economic supremacy of the United States and then with Japan embarked on decades of the highest rates of economic growth the world had yet seen, those patterns diversified. In the region the United States and Japan became the two most important outside powers and that was reflected inter alia by their leading roles in the setting up of the Asian Development Bank in 1966. By that time Australia[3] too had perforce diversified its trade away from Britain which had made it clear that it would seek its future economic arrangements in Europe and the Commonwealth arrangements which had supported much of Australias traditional export industry were phased out. Australia turned to Japan and others for new markets (a trade agreement with Japan had already been made in 1957). Australias development assistance programme had from the beginning concentrated on Southeast Asia and become and increasingly important instrument for involving this country with the region, especially as significant numbers of students from the region came to our universities and other institutions under the Colombo Plan and successor programmes.The failure of the attempted coup in Indonesia, the Gestapu of 30 September 1965, and the subsequent establishment of the New Order government there opened the way to overcome the regional or sub-regional strains produced by President Sukarnos eff orts to crush the newly-constructed Malaysia, as well as other tensions created or exacerbated by the Sukarno policies. In this climate ASEAN, the Association of South East Asian Nations, was established in 1967 and set out on its long and successful course of gradually building a sense of common interest and regional association among the six (originally five) members. ASEAN recently embarked on the development of AFTA, the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement. ASEAN has become the key institution in Southeast Asia not only because of its success in developing a sense of community among its very disparate members, and in finding a road for them to closer economic cooperation. It has also become the forum for discussion with the main world powers on a wide range of matters. This has come about through an annual mechanism of post-Ministerial consultations held after ASEANs own internal consultations through which ASEAN member governments, at Foreign Minister level, meet with their counterparts. These counterparts, termed dialogue partners, currently are Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand and the United States. In 1994 discussions on regional security were further developed with the establishment of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) which groups ASEAN and its dialogue partners with Russia, China, Vietnam, Laos and Papua New Guinea. Looking at the recent evolution of Southeast Asia perhaps the most sig nificant thing has been the change that has occurred since the ending of the Cold War and the collapse of communism. Until relatively recently the centrally planned economy model had much attraction for many developing countries and there was up to the beginning of the eighties quite widespread aversion to capitalism and to the liberal market model as exemplified by the Western industrialized countries. Now virtually all of Southeast Asia is committed to market economics, albeit with more governmental political control than in the Western countries. There is a virtual unanimity about the commitment to economic development based on relatively open markets, private ownership and competition. With that has come a period of unprecedented economic growth. The major economies of Southeast Asia are all growing at rates previously thought unattainable for a sustained period. There are of course some uncertainties about the future; but there are few who doubt that Southeast Asia will early i n the twenty-first century be a major centre of economic power and influence. Southeast Asia has traditionally been a site of great power competition for regional dominance, due to its strategic location as a bridge between continental and maritime East Asia. To manage this competition and to enhance their own sub regional autonomy, the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) engaged in a number of regional institution building initiatives during the early 1990s. This institutionalism agenda led to speculation that ASEAN could become the hub of a nascent regional security community following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, however, the prospect that ASEAN could act as an autonomous entity to mitigate Sino-U.S. geopolitical pressures seemed increasingly tenuous. Weakened by political and economic instability, intra-regional disputes and a simultaneous expansion of its membership, ASEAN has come to question its own identity. This has only further undermined ASEAN-led regional security initiatives such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF ). More frequently, Southeast Asian states have favored bilateralism and have looked to external powers to realize their security interests. These changing sub regional dynamics have, in turn, prompted renewed efforts by China and the United States to cultivate influence within Southeast Asia. Chinas attempts to gain support for its new security concept and US efforts to secure additional access and infrastructure agreements along the East Asian littoral are illustrative. To some extent, Sino-U.S. geopolitical competition has been modified by strategic cooperation resulting from the war on terror. China still remains wary of U.S. attempts to engage Southeast Asia in countering global terrorism. These trends have, in turn, compelled analysts to reconceptualize the Southeast Asian security landscape in a balance of power context. It is clear continental Southeast Asian states have aligned with China and maritime Southeast Asian states have aligned with the United States. The geographi c position of China and the United States, and the evolution of their interests and military capabilities accordingly, make it unlikely that either country would seek to project power into the others respective sphere. Southeast Asian states maintain a position of equidistance between the great powers. She attributes this to the ASEAN states general distrust of great powers and their desire to maintain the delicate Sino-U.S. regional balance. CHAPTER IV POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SOUTH EAST ASIA China sleeps, when she wakes, the World will tremble Napoleon The South east Asian countries over the past four decades has transformed itself from a region with enormous economic and political problems to one blessed with relative peace and prosperity. In particular the five ASEAN economies, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand , grew strongly in the 1960s with an average rate of 6 percent. This buoyant economic performance continued in the 1970s with 7.3 percent as they benefited from the massive inflows of the foreign exchange earnings due to sharp increase in the world price of primary commodities, including two oil shocks which benefited some of the members the same period. In the 1980s the region slowed down to an average growth rate of 6.1 percent. Regional economies experienced recessionary conditions due to high interest rate policy of the US Federal Reserve Bank, the consequent debt crisis in the region, the recession in the ASEANs major trading and investment partners, and the fall in the world prices of the primary commodities. But there was also a positive trend of influx of export- oriented foreign direct investment from Japan and the NIEs following the strong appreciation of their currencies. The recovery from 1991 to 1996 was followed by an economic contraction in 1997-98 due to the crisis which began in Thailand in July 1997 and spread to other parts of the region. In 1999-2000, the ASEAN economies staged a dramatic recovery with Singapore and Malaysia leading, things again turned sour with the September 11 attacks and the lackluster performance of the export sector. There was again a decrease in the economic growth due to the SARS, Iraq cri sis and terrorist related attacks, slump in the electronic market and collapse of the WTO talks in Cancun. The global economy is most rapid in emerging Asia where GDP accelerated to 7.2 percent in 2003, accounting for about 50 per cent of world growth. Looking forward, growth is projected to remain high at 7.4 per cent in 2004 and 7.0 per cent in 2005. The IMF stated that while domestic demand growth has increased significantly in emerging Asia, the regional current account surpluses remain very large, with exports supported by the rebound in the information technology (IT) sector as well as depreciating exchange rates. In the ASEAN-4, Thailand has shown the strongest expansion at 6.7 per cent in 2003, and is expected to remain high at 7 per cent in 2004 and 6.7 per cent in 2005. Cyclical considerations and high levels of public debt necessitate fiscal prudence for Thai authorities. The Malaysian economy is also recovering strongly and is expected to continue with inflation and unemployment remaining at low levels. However, the main policy priorities are the implementation of the announced fiscal consolidation to achieve a balanced budget by the year 2006 and greater exchange rate flexibility accompanied with suitable macroeconomic policies. Indonesias modest growth continues to be driven by private consumption, and has been accompanied with lower inflation. The Indonesian government should continue to implement its planned fiscal consolidation. Moreover, it needs to sustain banking, legal and judicial reforms in order to provide a better investment climate conducive to higher growth. As for the Philippines, uncertainties remain high even after the May 2, 2004 presidential elections. The main concerns of the Philippine government include increasing the tax revenues, restructuring the power sector, strengthening the banking sector, and improving the business system. Following the SARS crisis, the Singapore economy recovered in 2003 with supportive macroeconomic policies. To enhance its medium-term competitiveness and growth prospects, the IMF recommends a deepening and acceleration of reforms including further divestment of government  ­linked companies Issues and Challenges for Southeast Asian/ASEAN Domestic policy issues and challenges. On the domestic front, the growth prospects for ASEAN are very much dependent on various factors including the ability of their respective governments to provide economic, political and social stability, implement economic reforms, and diversify their economies. ASEAN policy makers thus face the following challenges: Sound macroeconomic environment. Following the 1997/98 economic crisis, government budget deficits relative to GDP have broadly increased and this is of serious concern for ASEAN governments, particularly for Malaysia and the Philippines. Price instability has become a serious concern for Indonesia and the Philippines. Exchange rates in Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Myanmar have weakened significantly. Moreover, the rising levels of foreign debt in the Philippines and Indonesia could create additional uncertainties. In terms of the current account surplus as a proportion of GDP, the six older ASEAN members have broadly shown higher levels relative to Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (CLMV countries). Thus, in order to achieve a sound macroeconomic environment, ASEAN economies need to adopt a prudent fiscal policy, low inflation rates, stable exchange rates, and manageable levels of external debt and current account balance. Stable political and business environment. The political environment in some countries has been affected by military uprisings, kidnappings, bombings and other terrorist-related activities, peoples demonstrations, and elections. A 1997 survey of Japanese firms conducted by JETRO indicated that political stability is considered as the most significant determinant of Japanese investments in ASEAN. Thus Southeast Asian governments need to find ways and means towards achieving and maintaining a politically stable environment in order to encourage domestic and foreign investments. Social Harmony. ASEAN countries need to address issues such as conflicts between racial groups (e.g. the Chinese and pribumis in Indonesia, and the Chinese and bumiputras in Malaysia), between religious groups (e.g. the Muslims and Christians in Southern Philippines) and between the poor and rich. Despite all the policies and resources spent on alleviating poverty and reducing income inequality, unemployment, poverty and income inequality continue to be the major policy concerns of ASEAN governments. In reality, it is very difficult to reduce poverty and narrow the income gap given the interplay of politics, economics and industry, and the conflicting goals of the various interest groups in the economy like businesses, religious groups, the elite, farmers, small and medium entrepreneurs, etc. Thailands income gap between the rich and the poor was the widest in the world (Bangkok Post, 2S Aug 2003). In the Philippines, Gerard Clark and Marites Sison (2003) in their study titled liDo t he well-off really care about the plight of the poor? revealed that majority of the respondents suggested that some elite people cared while others did not; and those who did care did too little or acted primarily out of self-interest. In fact, there are some people in the superior group like the elite who wish the poor to remain poor because of the benefits that can be derived from their poverty. For instance, politicians often depend on the poor at elections time for support that propels them to political office. Economic Reforms. Southeast Asian governments need to continue implementing economic reforms that include market opening, trade, investment and financial liberalization. These reforms are particularly crucial for the CLMV countries as they undergo transition from centrally planned to market  ­oriented economies and for the crisis-hit countries especially Indonesia and Thailand. In the case of Indonesia, there was a lack of seriousness on the part of the political leadership to undertake economic reforms. For example, there were delays in the removal of tariff control and the privatization of state assets and enterprises, so that the process of reforms is reverting to protectionism. Furthermore, a delay in the IMFs financial assistance added to the ineffectiveness of Indonesias recovery programme. Thailand completed its 34-month Stand-By Arrangement from the IMF that formed part of an international financial package worth US$17.2 billion from multilateral and bilateral lenders. Outs tanding obligations at end-June 2002 amounted to US$6.4 billion and repayment was finally completed on July 31,2003, some two years ahead of schedule a significant achievement on the part of the Thai government. Economic Diversion. Various factors impel ASEAN economies to continue to diversify their economies: volatile and broadly declining primary commodity prices, depletion of non-renewable primary resources such as oil and gas, and the high costs of production. Following the decline in crude oil prices in the 1980s, Brunei and Indonesia have begun to diversify their economies from oil towards non-oil products and services (finance, tourism). Because of the high costs of production (e.g. high labour costs), Singapores economy has emphasised the significant contribution of the services sector (IT, education, tourism, finance). The services sector has accounted for about 60-70 per cent of Singapores GDP. Moreover, to improve the competitiveness of Singapores manufactured products and services, several cost-cutting measures have been implemented, namely, cuts in contribution rates for mandatory saving, reduction in corporate taxes, and reduction in utility charges. Long-run policies include t raining and re-training programmes for workers and greater focus on RD activities for innovations and improvement in technology. In Singapore, there are more than 600,000 workers with secondary education or lower. As such, it is extremely important that these workers upgrade their skills and learn new tasks to be more productive and to be more employable in the future. There are also other schemes such as the job re-design programmes implemented by the Singapore Productivity and Standards Board which involves changing both job content and arrangement to encourage workers to become more productive. Other ASEAN countries can learn from Singapores experiences with regard to cost-cutting measures, training and re-training programmes, and RD activities to improve productivity and competitiveness. Multi-Ethnic States. Multi-ethnicity is a dominant feature of the region and therefore stable inter-state ties and intra-state ethnic stability are closely intertwined. The region has to work toward the stability and security of strong, secular, federal multi- ethnic states if it is to remain secure and stable in the coming years. The Challenge of Democratisaton. The other key political challenge that confronts South East Asian nations is how to build stable, democratic state structures in condition of a rising tide of expectations for better life and greater liberty. Through much of Asia, the struggle between pressures for democratization against existing authoritarian state structures or oppressive socio-political conditions is a reality. Human rights abuses are common in many of the states. In Myanmar and Indonesia there is a rising pressure for political change and expansion of political rights. Militancy, insurgency and terrorism have wracked many parts of ASEAN region in the past and continue to do so even now. Only through steady democratization, decentralization and provision of caring and efficient governance can the integrity of state structures and stability be preserved. CHAPTER V Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. China perceives itself as a central power on Earth. The rest of the World is an array of greater and lesser powers which neither have unified structure nor a single head Macnall Mark[4] Chinas political and economic strategy are interlinked with the security relation that China shares with the Southeast Asia as a region. China embraced the Southeast Asian regionalism and of multilateralism with Southeast Asia is part of broader decision to jettison Chinas old confrontational policy and style. Chinese leaders officials turned this approach to South east Asia on its head replacing the assertiveness that characterized pre 1997 Chinese policy with accommodation. This concerted campaign assuaged South east Asian fears but also paved the way for South east Asian and Chinese to participate in and profit from this rapidly expanding economic ties. Chinese leaders and officials smoothly employed diplomacy in innumerable meeting with South east Asian counterparts to slowly and carefully win greater influence in south east Asia. The Chinese foreign policy community made a concerted effort to represent Chinas reemergence as a regional power. It portrayed recent trends as aligne d with the economic and security interests of its southern neighbors. China convinced the neighbors that it is not a threat. China employed the same set of instruments of Chinese national security policy at both multilateral level with ASEAN and bilateral level with individual ASEAN states albeit with differing effects in the countries concerned depending on their individual circumstances. It places contentious issues temporarily to the side, places processes before product and welcomes efforts to build EAST ASIAN community. Beijing binds the South East Asean countries with a spectrum of economic, political and cultural and security proposals. As Beijing courted its southern neighbors, it supplemented diplomacy with economic ties in terms of trade and economic investment. China opened China to overseas ethnic Chinese and invited ethnic Chinese Southeast Asians to invest in China and subsequently invited Southeast Asians. Rapid increases in the Southeast Asian- China trade led to ove rcome the financial crisis. Chinas economic success has been as impressive as its diplomatic campaign, because china and Southeast Asian countries have been competitors both FDI and for developed markets in Japan,Europe and the United States. Beijing has worked assiduously tp provide Southeast Asian economies with a stake in Chinas economic expansion thus stabilizing Chinas periphery and contributing to Chinas own economic growth. Chinas turn to multilateralism diplomacy was to compliment its intense bilateral diplomacy was timely. ASEAN grew during the 1990 and accommodated new countries and also in the due course of time it had not been able to respond to the financial crisis and also the turmoil in East Timor. Chinas help to ASEAN gave a new appearance to ASEAN. Multilateral diplomacy provided a two way street for ASEAN countries and China and provided measures to forge new bonds. ASEAN also History and Influences on South East Asia History and Influences on South East Asia CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION If there were only two men in the world, how would they get on? They would help one another, harm one another, flatter one another, slander one another, fight one another, make it up, they could neither live together nor do without one another Philosophical Dictionary, 1764 Increasing role of China in South Asia has attracted the attention of the policy framers as well as scholars. Its foreign policy towards Southeast Asia has varied from indifference to hostility, but Chinese interest in the region has persisted since 1949. While India occupies a vital position in the Chinese calculation, there are discernible variations in Chinese policy towards other states in the region. The behaviour of Southeast Asian states towards China has also varied. Notwithstanding the persistence of the Indian factor in their perceptions, we observe different response to Chinese behaviour and policy in these states. Chinese foreign policy is undergoing a metamorphosis never seen in the history of the Peoples Republic (PRC). The country has enjoyed a more secure place in the world than before, yet it has remained dissatisfied with its international status. Chinas quest for international legitimacy and a positive image is tested by its pursuit of security interests and the power politics logic of its own and other states. Chinese foreign policy strategy has equally stressed the need to protect its national interest in a threatening world and the struggle to remold the international environment in line with its preferences. Clearly PRC foreign policy is complicated, dynamic, and consequential. China has managed to become a rising star in the international arena, both politically and economically. The bipolar world order lasting for nearly half a century came eventually to an abrupt end in the closing months of the 1980s as a result of dramatic changes in Eastern Europe and the so-called post cold w ar era began in the final decade of this century. China has some motivations in the Southeast Asia one of these is China is in pursuit of hegemony[1] in the region, another possibility is primarily defensive an attempt to neutralize the region while China focuses on internal priorities and the third possibility is to have a cooperative structure. India is seeking an expanded role in the international Geo-political arena which includes Asia and Southeast Asia. Indias growing economy ,common energy security interests, national interest, and power projection makes India China a Peer competitor. Beijings current goal in southeast Asia is to maintain a stable environment around its periphery to assure others that China is not threat, and to encourage economic ties that contribute to Chinas economic modernization and thus regime stability. The foreign policy instruments that Beijing has employed to secure its goals are constituent throughout most of Southeast Asia, but the priorities assigned to different strategic goals vary depending on Chinas interest in different part of the region. CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east Asia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian Region.. Justification of the Study The most significant strategic development after the Cold War, is probably the sudden growth in Chinas economic potential and consequent national power. A rapid rise in power of a major country in the past has usually led to tension in the region, conflict with the neighbours and eventually a war. To make an assessment of Chinas posture well into the future is fraught with number of uncertainties. Equally, a projection of that role in the next century would, of necessity, demand an intimate acquaintance with how the Chinese have been involved in their dealings with this part of the world in the past. Above all, how that relationship has evolved, to the present day environment. Idea shall be to restrict the paper and sketch out important events in the near past, which have shaped the present and loom larger than the hoary past on the future that is yet in the limbo. The basic intention in writing this dissertation is To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east As ia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian . A direct question has been addressed whether or not China restricts India from emerging as a global player. Scope Axiomatically any meaningful discussion of Chinas role in Southeast Asia would imply an understanding of its relations with the Indian subcontinent as a whole. Of the worlds great powers, China is geographically the closest to the Southeast Asian countries. It has common borders with Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, Caombodia. There is significant cultural similarities far reaching political and strategic repercussions over the past couple of centuries, and has propelled the worlds most populous regions into interaction in a wide variety of ways. From a simple geographical perspective, qualitative changes in the Chinas foreign policy should be expected if China grows from a medium-sized power to superpower. At its present rate of economic growth, Chinas productive capabilities and total wealth will soon outstrip those of the other Asian powers. As a weaker power, Chinas dependence on the favour of its neighbours has been comparatively high. But increased relative capabilities make i t feasible for a rising great power to exert greater control over its surroundings. If the opportunity arises to establish a dominant role in the region, China can be expected to seize it. Thus the scope of this paper has been restricted to Chinese dominance in the Southeast Asian region, which will pose vexing problems for India . An attempt has been made to analyse, how India can focus and counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian. Organisation of Dissertation. The study is proposed to be dealt in the following sequence: Modern History strat influences in South East Asia. Political Economy of South East Asia. Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Indian political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Comparative Analysis of Indian Chinese politico-economic strategies in SE Asia. Recommended response of India to expand its influence in the region. CHAPTER III MODERN HISTORY AND STRATEGIC INFLUENCES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The post-Cold War world is seeing in some areas a resurgence of nationalism and in others a greater emphasis on regionalism. These two tendencies will overlap. In Southeast Asia national and ethnic differences were significantly blunted by European colonialism and in some cases have been further submerged in the post-colonial period of new nation states. But what is new in Southeast Asia is the development of voluntary (as distinct from externally mandated) cooperation on a sub-regional or regional level. Most recently there is the assertion of an Asian identity, shared by Southeast Asians, which is sharply distinguished from Western value systems, social norms and economic models. It is too early to say how far that will be taken or how much it will influence the political and social development of Southeast Asia. The very important differences between and indeed even within the Southeast Asian countries induces some skepticism in academic circles about the existence of Asian values [2] etc. But there is no doubt that there is a perception in the region of some essential shared values or priorities, and a rejection of what are seen as Western individualistic and libertarian values. An embryonic sense of shared interests transcending ethnic or national groups emerged in colonial times between independence movements, student movements and other groups, including notably the various Marxist-inspired or communist movements in the region. But until after the Pacific War there was little connection across the region. The colonial empires were very separate and governed on different principles. It is a common observation nowadays that Australia, on the fringe of the region, only recently and belatedly become aware of and involved with its Southeast Asian neighbors. That is true, though with some qualifications. There was peripheral contact in the north even before the Europeans colonized Australia. But in the colonial era there was no steady development of contact or interest. The shifting patterns of alliance politics in Europe affected such contacts as there were between the colonial administrations in Southeast Asia and Australia, and indeed between the Southeast A sian colonial administrations themselves. Australia was not unique, or even unusual, in having little contact with its neighbors and in having its external links directed principally along the lines laid down by the metropolitan power. What are now the independent nations of Southeast Asia also had little contact with each other during the European colonial period. Just as the lines of communication and trade ran from Melbourne and Sydney to London, so did those between the French, Dutch, and other British colonies and the respective metropolitan powers in Europe. Right up to the Pacific War there was little or no communication between, for example, what are now Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines. The links ran from Manila to the United States, from Batavia to the Netherlands, from Hanoi to France, and so on. It was the remarkable Japanese campaign which began at the end of 1941 which precipitated or accelerated the radical changes which took place between 1945 and the end of the Vietnam war. The sheer speed and success of the Japanese successes against numerically superior defending forces in Southeast Asia made a strong impression on opinion in the erstwhile colonies. The Japanese failed to capitalize on that in the sense that after early political successes in encouraging nationalist and pro-Japanese movements the appeal to shared Asian interests lost plausibility in the face of Japanese policies and actions which were exploitative or worse. Although Japan lost the war and left wounds in the region which are still not healed, the war precipitated the end of the moribund European colonial era, and accelerated the creation of independent states largely within borders established by the colonial empires. For some years trade and other economic links remained predominantly in the old colon ial grooves but with the economic supremacy of the United States and then with Japan embarked on decades of the highest rates of economic growth the world had yet seen, those patterns diversified. In the region the United States and Japan became the two most important outside powers and that was reflected inter alia by their leading roles in the setting up of the Asian Development Bank in 1966. By that time Australia[3] too had perforce diversified its trade away from Britain which had made it clear that it would seek its future economic arrangements in Europe and the Commonwealth arrangements which had supported much of Australias traditional export industry were phased out. Australia turned to Japan and others for new markets (a trade agreement with Japan had already been made in 1957). Australias development assistance programme had from the beginning concentrated on Southeast Asia and become and increasingly important instrument for involving this country with the region, especially as significant numbers of students from the region came to our universities and other institutions under the Colombo Plan and successor programmes.The failure of the attempted coup in Indonesia, the Gestapu of 30 September 1965, and the subsequent establishment of the New Order government there opened the way to overcome the regional or sub-regional strains produced by President Sukarnos eff orts to crush the newly-constructed Malaysia, as well as other tensions created or exacerbated by the Sukarno policies. In this climate ASEAN, the Association of South East Asian Nations, was established in 1967 and set out on its long and successful course of gradually building a sense of common interest and regional association among the six (originally five) members. ASEAN recently embarked on the development of AFTA, the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement. ASEAN has become the key institution in Southeast Asia not only because of its success in developing a sense of community among its very disparate members, and in finding a road for them to closer economic cooperation. It has also become the forum for discussion with the main world powers on a wide range of matters. This has come about through an annual mechanism of post-Ministerial consultations held after ASEANs own internal consultations through which ASEAN member governments, at Foreign Minister level, meet with their counterparts. These counterparts, termed dialogue partners, currently are Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand and the United States. In 1994 discussions on regional security were further developed with the establishment of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) which groups ASEAN and its dialogue partners with Russia, China, Vietnam, Laos and Papua New Guinea. Looking at the recent evolution of Southeast Asia perhaps the most sig nificant thing has been the change that has occurred since the ending of the Cold War and the collapse of communism. Until relatively recently the centrally planned economy model had much attraction for many developing countries and there was up to the beginning of the eighties quite widespread aversion to capitalism and to the liberal market model as exemplified by the Western industrialized countries. Now virtually all of Southeast Asia is committed to market economics, albeit with more governmental political control than in the Western countries. There is a virtual unanimity about the commitment to economic development based on relatively open markets, private ownership and competition. With that has come a period of unprecedented economic growth. The major economies of Southeast Asia are all growing at rates previously thought unattainable for a sustained period. There are of course some uncertainties about the future; but there are few who doubt that Southeast Asia will early i n the twenty-first century be a major centre of economic power and influence. Southeast Asia has traditionally been a site of great power competition for regional dominance, due to its strategic location as a bridge between continental and maritime East Asia. To manage this competition and to enhance their own sub regional autonomy, the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) engaged in a number of regional institution building initiatives during the early 1990s. This institutionalism agenda led to speculation that ASEAN could become the hub of a nascent regional security community following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, however, the prospect that ASEAN could act as an autonomous entity to mitigate Sino-U.S. geopolitical pressures seemed increasingly tenuous. Weakened by political and economic instability, intra-regional disputes and a simultaneous expansion of its membership, ASEAN has come to question its own identity. This has only further undermined ASEAN-led regional security initiatives such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF ). More frequently, Southeast Asian states have favored bilateralism and have looked to external powers to realize their security interests. These changing sub regional dynamics have, in turn, prompted renewed efforts by China and the United States to cultivate influence within Southeast Asia. Chinas attempts to gain support for its new security concept and US efforts to secure additional access and infrastructure agreements along the East Asian littoral are illustrative. To some extent, Sino-U.S. geopolitical competition has been modified by strategic cooperation resulting from the war on terror. China still remains wary of U.S. attempts to engage Southeast Asia in countering global terrorism. These trends have, in turn, compelled analysts to reconceptualize the Southeast Asian security landscape in a balance of power context. It is clear continental Southeast Asian states have aligned with China and maritime Southeast Asian states have aligned with the United States. The geographi c position of China and the United States, and the evolution of their interests and military capabilities accordingly, make it unlikely that either country would seek to project power into the others respective sphere. Southeast Asian states maintain a position of equidistance between the great powers. She attributes this to the ASEAN states general distrust of great powers and their desire to maintain the delicate Sino-U.S. regional balance. CHAPTER IV POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SOUTH EAST ASIA China sleeps, when she wakes, the World will tremble Napoleon The South east Asian countries over the past four decades has transformed itself from a region with enormous economic and political problems to one blessed with relative peace and prosperity. In particular the five ASEAN economies, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand , grew strongly in the 1960s with an average rate of 6 percent. This buoyant economic performance continued in the 1970s with 7.3 percent as they benefited from the massive inflows of the foreign exchange earnings due to sharp increase in the world price of primary commodities, including two oil shocks which benefited some of the members the same period. In the 1980s the region slowed down to an average growth rate of 6.1 percent. Regional economies experienced recessionary conditions due to high interest rate policy of the US Federal Reserve Bank, the consequent debt crisis in the region, the recession in the ASEANs major trading and investment partners, and the fall in the world prices of the primary commodities. But there was also a positive trend of influx of export- oriented foreign direct investment from Japan and the NIEs following the strong appreciation of their currencies. The recovery from 1991 to 1996 was followed by an economic contraction in 1997-98 due to the crisis which began in Thailand in July 1997 and spread to other parts of the region. In 1999-2000, the ASEAN economies staged a dramatic recovery with Singapore and Malaysia leading, things again turned sour with the September 11 attacks and the lackluster performance of the export sector. There was again a decrease in the economic growth due to the SARS, Iraq cri sis and terrorist related attacks, slump in the electronic market and collapse of the WTO talks in Cancun. The global economy is most rapid in emerging Asia where GDP accelerated to 7.2 percent in 2003, accounting for about 50 per cent of world growth. Looking forward, growth is projected to remain high at 7.4 per cent in 2004 and 7.0 per cent in 2005. The IMF stated that while domestic demand growth has increased significantly in emerging Asia, the regional current account surpluses remain very large, with exports supported by the rebound in the information technology (IT) sector as well as depreciating exchange rates. In the ASEAN-4, Thailand has shown the strongest expansion at 6.7 per cent in 2003, and is expected to remain high at 7 per cent in 2004 and 6.7 per cent in 2005. Cyclical considerations and high levels of public debt necessitate fiscal prudence for Thai authorities. The Malaysian economy is also recovering strongly and is expected to continue with inflation and unemployment remaining at low levels. However, the main policy priorities are the implementation of the announced fiscal consolidation to achieve a balanced budget by the year 2006 and greater exchange rate flexibility accompanied with suitable macroeconomic policies. Indonesias modest growth continues to be driven by private consumption, and has been accompanied with lower inflation. The Indonesian government should continue to implement its planned fiscal consolidation. Moreover, it needs to sustain banking, legal and judicial reforms in order to provide a better investment climate conducive to higher growth. As for the Philippines, uncertainties remain high even after the May 2, 2004 presidential elections. The main concerns of the Philippine government include increasing the tax revenues, restructuring the power sector, strengthening the banking sector, and improving the business system. Following the SARS crisis, the Singapore economy recovered in 2003 with supportive macroeconomic policies. To enhance its medium-term competitiveness and growth prospects, the IMF recommends a deepening and acceleration of reforms including further divestment of government  ­linked companies Issues and Challenges for Southeast Asian/ASEAN Domestic policy issues and challenges. On the domestic front, the growth prospects for ASEAN are very much dependent on various factors including the ability of their respective governments to provide economic, political and social stability, implement economic reforms, and diversify their economies. ASEAN policy makers thus face the following challenges: Sound macroeconomic environment. Following the 1997/98 economic crisis, government budget deficits relative to GDP have broadly increased and this is of serious concern for ASEAN governments, particularly for Malaysia and the Philippines. Price instability has become a serious concern for Indonesia and the Philippines. Exchange rates in Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Myanmar have weakened significantly. Moreover, the rising levels of foreign debt in the Philippines and Indonesia could create additional uncertainties. In terms of the current account surplus as a proportion of GDP, the six older ASEAN members have broadly shown higher levels relative to Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (CLMV countries). Thus, in order to achieve a sound macroeconomic environment, ASEAN economies need to adopt a prudent fiscal policy, low inflation rates, stable exchange rates, and manageable levels of external debt and current account balance. Stable political and business environment. The political environment in some countries has been affected by military uprisings, kidnappings, bombings and other terrorist-related activities, peoples demonstrations, and elections. A 1997 survey of Japanese firms conducted by JETRO indicated that political stability is considered as the most significant determinant of Japanese investments in ASEAN. Thus Southeast Asian governments need to find ways and means towards achieving and maintaining a politically stable environment in order to encourage domestic and foreign investments. Social Harmony. ASEAN countries need to address issues such as conflicts between racial groups (e.g. the Chinese and pribumis in Indonesia, and the Chinese and bumiputras in Malaysia), between religious groups (e.g. the Muslims and Christians in Southern Philippines) and between the poor and rich. Despite all the policies and resources spent on alleviating poverty and reducing income inequality, unemployment, poverty and income inequality continue to be the major policy concerns of ASEAN governments. In reality, it is very difficult to reduce poverty and narrow the income gap given the interplay of politics, economics and industry, and the conflicting goals of the various interest groups in the economy like businesses, religious groups, the elite, farmers, small and medium entrepreneurs, etc. Thailands income gap between the rich and the poor was the widest in the world (Bangkok Post, 2S Aug 2003). In the Philippines, Gerard Clark and Marites Sison (2003) in their study titled liDo t he well-off really care about the plight of the poor? revealed that majority of the respondents suggested that some elite people cared while others did not; and those who did care did too little or acted primarily out of self-interest. In fact, there are some people in the superior group like the elite who wish the poor to remain poor because of the benefits that can be derived from their poverty. For instance, politicians often depend on the poor at elections time for support that propels them to political office. Economic Reforms. Southeast Asian governments need to continue implementing economic reforms that include market opening, trade, investment and financial liberalization. These reforms are particularly crucial for the CLMV countries as they undergo transition from centrally planned to market  ­oriented economies and for the crisis-hit countries especially Indonesia and Thailand. In the case of Indonesia, there was a lack of seriousness on the part of the political leadership to undertake economic reforms. For example, there were delays in the removal of tariff control and the privatization of state assets and enterprises, so that the process of reforms is reverting to protectionism. Furthermore, a delay in the IMFs financial assistance added to the ineffectiveness of Indonesias recovery programme. Thailand completed its 34-month Stand-By Arrangement from the IMF that formed part of an international financial package worth US$17.2 billion from multilateral and bilateral lenders. Outs tanding obligations at end-June 2002 amounted to US$6.4 billion and repayment was finally completed on July 31,2003, some two years ahead of schedule a significant achievement on the part of the Thai government. Economic Diversion. Various factors impel ASEAN economies to continue to diversify their economies: volatile and broadly declining primary commodity prices, depletion of non-renewable primary resources such as oil and gas, and the high costs of production. Following the decline in crude oil prices in the 1980s, Brunei and Indonesia have begun to diversify their economies from oil towards non-oil products and services (finance, tourism). Because of the high costs of production (e.g. high labour costs), Singapores economy has emphasised the significant contribution of the services sector (IT, education, tourism, finance). The services sector has accounted for about 60-70 per cent of Singapores GDP. Moreover, to improve the competitiveness of Singapores manufactured products and services, several cost-cutting measures have been implemented, namely, cuts in contribution rates for mandatory saving, reduction in corporate taxes, and reduction in utility charges. Long-run policies include t raining and re-training programmes for workers and greater focus on RD activities for innovations and improvement in technology. In Singapore, there are more than 600,000 workers with secondary education or lower. As such, it is extremely important that these workers upgrade their skills and learn new tasks to be more productive and to be more employable in the future. There are also other schemes such as the job re-design programmes implemented by the Singapore Productivity and Standards Board which involves changing both job content and arrangement to encourage workers to become more productive. Other ASEAN countries can learn from Singapores experiences with regard to cost-cutting measures, training and re-training programmes, and RD activities to improve productivity and competitiveness. Multi-Ethnic States. Multi-ethnicity is a dominant feature of the region and therefore stable inter-state ties and intra-state ethnic stability are closely intertwined. The region has to work toward the stability and security of strong, secular, federal multi- ethnic states if it is to remain secure and stable in the coming years. The Challenge of Democratisaton. The other key political challenge that confronts South East Asian nations is how to build stable, democratic state structures in condition of a rising tide of expectations for better life and greater liberty. Through much of Asia, the struggle between pressures for democratization against existing authoritarian state structures or oppressive socio-political conditions is a reality. Human rights abuses are common in many of the states. In Myanmar and Indonesia there is a rising pressure for political change and expansion of political rights. Militancy, insurgency and terrorism have wracked many parts of ASEAN region in the past and continue to do so even now. Only through steady democratization, decentralization and provision of caring and efficient governance can the integrity of state structures and stability be preserved. CHAPTER V Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. China perceives itself as a central power on Earth. The rest of the World is an array of greater and lesser powers which neither have unified structure nor a single head Macnall Mark[4] Chinas political and economic strategy are interlinked with the security relation that China shares with the Southeast Asia as a region. China embraced the Southeast Asian regionalism and of multilateralism with Southeast Asia is part of broader decision to jettison Chinas old confrontational policy and style. Chinese leaders officials turned this approach to South east Asia on its head replacing the assertiveness that characterized pre 1997 Chinese policy with accommodation. This concerted campaign assuaged South east Asian fears but also paved the way for South east Asian and Chinese to participate in and profit from this rapidly expanding economic ties. Chinese leaders and officials smoothly employed diplomacy in innumerable meeting with South east Asian counterparts to slowly and carefully win greater influence in south east Asia. The Chinese foreign policy community made a concerted effort to represent Chinas reemergence as a regional power. It portrayed recent trends as aligne d with the economic and security interests of its southern neighbors. China convinced the neighbors that it is not a threat. China employed the same set of instruments of Chinese national security policy at both multilateral level with ASEAN and bilateral level with individual ASEAN states albeit with differing effects in the countries concerned depending on their individual circumstances. It places contentious issues temporarily to the side, places processes before product and welcomes efforts to build EAST ASIAN community. Beijing binds the South East Asean countries with a spectrum of economic, political and cultural and security proposals. As Beijing courted its southern neighbors, it supplemented diplomacy with economic ties in terms of trade and economic investment. China opened China to overseas ethnic Chinese and invited ethnic Chinese Southeast Asians to invest in China and subsequently invited Southeast Asians. Rapid increases in the Southeast Asian- China trade led to ove rcome the financial crisis. Chinas economic success has been as impressive as its diplomatic campaign, because china and Southeast Asian countries have been competitors both FDI and for developed markets in Japan,Europe and the United States. Beijing has worked assiduously tp provide Southeast Asian economies with a stake in Chinas economic expansion thus stabilizing Chinas periphery and contributing to Chinas own economic growth. Chinas turn to multilateralism diplomacy was to compliment its intense bilateral diplomacy was timely. ASEAN grew during the 1990 and accommodated new countries and also in the due course of time it had not been able to respond to the financial crisis and also the turmoil in East Timor. Chinas help to ASEAN gave a new appearance to ASEAN. Multilateral diplomacy provided a two way street for ASEAN countries and China and provided measures to forge new bonds. ASEAN also

Serenity of the Field Essay -- Observation Essays, Descriptive Essays

As I drive up the hill, passing the mailbox and the meticulously groomed lawn, I find myself taking on a transformation. I breathe a sigh of relief and feel the tension drain from my body in anticipation of seeing "my place." As I turn the corner I see it, to anyone else it just looks like a simple field. But to me, it is my sanctuary that I can escape from the hectic world. This is where I can relax and feel like I’m a kid again. In my field, for a short while time stops, and I don’t have to worry what needs done next. This place also holds many wonderful memories as well as making new ones each year. The field right next to my mom’s house and this is an area where I grew up, living there until I moved off to school. I enjoyed the field by myself just as much as when I was with a group of people. The field sits on the top of a hill and through a clearing in the surrounding woods, farms and other fields offer a panoramic view. In the winter, when the trees are bare of leaves but covered in snow, one can see for miles in any direction. In the summer, the field was the location of the weekly neighborhood baseball series, as well as tackle football with the boys. We spent most of the day running up and down the field and imagining we were the best athletes. The boys would get carried away and take advantage of the girls’ size. They would zero in on the girls and see how hard they could slam them into the ground. There were quite a few times when I was slow to get up because I was hit so hard that it blurred my vision and knocked the wind out of me. When the boys saw my a gony they were amused. They saw this as more incentive to hit even harder. This is one of the many reasons that the girls learned early to fend for themselves. J... ...t to get together, touch base, and catch up with all of the old friends and family. The field is also where I liked to go when I was upset or needed a place to be alone. I went there often in my early teenage years when I was frustrated and needed time to sort out my confusion. It was my own personal, quite place that no one invaded, unlike my bedroom in the house. The field’s view and serenity somehow made me think more clearly and made my problems feel less like the end of the world. This is one of the comforts that I miss from my parents’ house, so when I visit my parents, I visit my place as well. Now when I look back at all of the good times and the peaceful ones also, I feel at ease. I know that every summer at the beginning of July that I will see everyone just the same as last year. And we will create more memories for me to look back at and smile.

Comparing Relationships in Josephine Miles Housewife and Cathy Songs Picture Bride :: Comparison Compare Contrast Essays

Relationships in Josephine Miles' Housewife and Cathy Song's Picture Bride Having a relationship is a very exciting and sense of belonging thing. A relationship between a man and a woman can have extremely great times and also can bring out the worst times. There are just certain things that you have to do and believe to have a relationship work out right. Times are changing rapidly, and so are relationships. Both people in the relationship need to have the same feelings, or else things just do not work out. Before, women in the relationship were expected to do all of the housework and take care of the children. These days, women just do not normally do this by themselves. Our modern women believe in the 50-50 type of lifestyle. In Josephine Miles' "Housewife," the narrator is talking about a woman who basically is very unhappy. "Occasional mornings when an early fog/ not yet dispersed stands in every yard/ And drips and undiscloses, she is severely/ Put to the task of herself," explains how this woman gets up, before it is completely light out, and is already working on her daily work. (Pg. 285 lines 1-4) She does not get to sit and relax first thing in the morning, she goes straight for her chores, which she probably continues nonstop the whole day. "But when the fog at the glass pauses and closes/ She is put to ponder/ A life-line, how it chooses to run obscurely/ In her hand, before her," is basically showing how she wants to do something else with her life. (lines 9-12) She is wonde ring if she will ever be able to do something besides take care of the house and family. Many people, not as much today, are set up with their future husbands/wives. In royal families and certain cultures, the parents pick who their child's spouse will be. This obviously in most cases will lead to a very unhappy married life. How could you spend your life with someone that you do not even love? Why should someone get to choose your mate for you? There are also what they call "mail order brides." These women usually come from poor communities, who just want to get away and come to the United States or elsewhere and make a better life for them. Cathy Song's poem, "Picture Bride" is about this type of marriage. "Did she simply close/ the door of her father's house/ and walk away," shows that the husband is questioning the type of life that his bride had.

Voting Machine

(Department of electronics engineering) RIZVI COLLEGE OF ENGINEERING BANDRA (WEST), MUMBAI-400050 UNIVERSITY OF MUMBAI ACADEMIC YEAR 2012-13 FOR THE FULFILLMENT OF THE PROJECT (TE) ELECTRONIC WORKSHOP (EWS) LCD BASED VOTING MACHINE USING 8051 AND VENDING MACHINE A project report Submitted by NIKITA MUDRAS TRUPTI LIMBAD SABERA YASMIN UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF PROF. PRASAD DHURI PROF. SOHAIL SIDDIQUI RIZVI COLLEGE OF ENGINEERING, RIZVI COMPLEX, OFF CARTER ROAD BANDRA (W), MUMBAI – 400050 YEAR: 2012-13 UNIVERSITY OF MUMBAI (DEPARTMENT OF ELECTRONICS) CERTIFICATEThis is to certify that the following students NIKITA MUDRAS TRUPTI LIMBAD SABERA YASMIN Have successfully completed the synopsis work of project on LCD BASED VOTING MACHINE USING 8051 AND VENDING MACHINE ___________________ _________________ PROF. PRASAD S. DHURI EXTERNAL EXAMINER (PROJECT GUIDE) ___________________ _________________ PROF . SOHAIL SIDDIQUI PROF . NARGIS SHAIKH (PROJECT GUIDE) (HOD) PREFACEWe take an opportun ity to present the project report on â€Å"lcd based voting machine and vending machine† and put before users some useful information about our project. We have made sincere attempts and taken every care to present this matter in precise and compact form. We are sure that the information contained in this volume would certainly prove useful for better insight in the scope and dimension of the subject. The task of completing the project though being difficult but was made quite simple,intresting and successful due to deep involvement and complete dedication of our group members.ACKNOWLEDGEMENT It is indeed of great pleasure and proud privilege to be able to present the project on â€Å"Lcd Based Voting Machine Using 8051† The completion of project work is a milestone in student’s life and its execution is inevitable in the hands of guide. we highly indebt the project guide Mr. Prasad Dhuri for this invaluable guidance and appreciation for giving form and substanc e to this project. it is due to his enduring efforts, patience and enthusiasm, which has given a sense of direction and purposefulness to this project and ultimately made it a success.We would like to tender our sincere thanks to the staff members for their co-operation. We would also like to express our deep regards and gratitude to the principal Dr. Varsha Shah, our HOD Prof. Nargis Shaikh. We would also like to thank the non teaching staff and our friends who have helped us all the time in the way or the other. LIST OF CONTENT LCD BASED VOTING MACHINE USING 8051 MICROCONTROLLER 1. Introduction 08 2. Circuit diagram 09 . Components 11 4. Program for IC 15 5. Working 30 6. PCB layout 31 7. Advantages 32 8. Future Scope 33 VENDING MACHINE 1.Introduction 36 2. Flowchart 37 3. Working 38 4. VHDL code 40 5. Output Waveforms 44 6. Applications & uses 45 REFRENCES 47LCD BASED VOTING MACHINE USING 8051 MICROCONTROLLER [pic] INTRODUCTION This LCD based electronic voting machine is de signed for four candidates. The input part consists of a set of six tactile switches. The switches and 16Ãâ€"2 LCD are interfaced to microcontroller AT89C51 for various operations and displays. The provision of casting votes for the candidates has been provided through four of these switches. These switches are made active high and connected to pins 2-5 (P1^1 – P1^4) of the controller. The remaining two switches (both active low) are to start and stop the voting procedure.They are connected to pins 1 and 6 (P1^0 and P1^5) respectively. The Init (start) switch initializes the voting system when pressed, while the Stop switch ends the voting and displays the poll results on LCD screen. For more details on working with LCD, refer LCD interfacing with 8051. The data pins of the LCD (pins 7-14) are connected to the output port P2 of the microcontroller. The control pins (RS, R/W and EN) are connected to port P3 pins P3^0, P3^1 & P3^6 respectively. CIRCUIT DIAGRAM [pic] LIST OF  COMPONENTS COMPONENT |QUANTITY | |1) General PCB |1 | |2) 16Ãâ€"2  LCD Display |1 | |3) Micro controller base |1 | |4) 10uf/10v capacitor |1 | |5) 8T89C51 micro controller |1 | |6) 12MHz Crystal oscillator |1 | |7) 10k Preset |1 | |8) 2 pin Switches |6 | |9)7805 voltage regulator |1 | |10) 10k Resistor |1 | COMPONENTS KA 7805 (Voltage Regulator) Features: ? Output Current up to 1A ? Output Voltage of 5 Thermal Overload Protection ? Short Circuit Protection ? Output Transistor Safe Operating Area Protection Description: 7805 is a voltage regulator integrated circuit. It is a member of 78xx series of fixed linear voltage regulator ICs. The voltage source in a circuit may have fluctuations and would not give the fixed voltage output. The voltage regulator IC maintains the output voltage at a constant value. The xx in 78xx indicates the fixed output voltage it is designed to provide. 7805 provides +5V regulated power supply. Capacitors of suitable values can be connected at input and output pins depending upon the respective voltage levels. Pin Connections (Front View): Pin No |Function |Name | |1 |Input voltage (5V-18V) |Input | |2 |Ground (0V) |Ground | |3 |Regulated output; 5V (4. 8V-5. 2V) |Output | AT89C51: AT89C51 is an 8-bit Microcontroller and belongs to Atmel's 8051 family. ATMEL 89C51 has 4KB of Flash programmable and erasable read only memory (PEROM) and 128 bytes of RAM. It can be erased and program to a maximum of 1000 times. In 40 pin AT89C51, there are four ports designated as P1, P2, P3 and P0. All these ports are 8-bit bi-directional ports, i. e. , hey can be used as both input and output ports. Except P0 which needs external pull-ups, rest of the ports have internal pull-ups. When 1s are written to these port pins, they are pulled high by the internal pull-ups and can be used as inputs. These ports are also bit addressable and so their bits can also be accessed individually. Port P0 and P2 are also used to provide low byte and hi gh byte addresses, respectively, when connected to an external memory. Port 3 has multiplexed pins for special functions like serial communication, hardware interrupts, timer inputs and read/write operation from external memory. AT89C51 has an inbuilt UART for serial communication.It can be programmed to operate at different baud rates. Including two timers & hardware interrupts, it has a total of six interrupts. Pin Diagram:- [pic] FEATURES OF 8951 1) 8051 have 128 bytes of RAM 2) 8051 have 128 user defined flags 3) it consist of 16 bit address bus 4) it also consist of 3 internal and two external interrupts 5) less power usage in 8051 with respect to other micro-controller 6) it consist of 16-bit program counter and data pointer 7) 8051 can process 1 million one-cycle instructions per second   8) it also consist of 32 general purpose registers each of 8 bits 9) ROM on 8051 is 4 Kbytes in size 10) it also consist of Two 16 bit Timer/ CounterLCD: LCD (Liquid Crystal Display) scree n is an electronic display module and find a wide range of applications. A 16Ãâ€"2 LCD display is very basic module and is very commonly used in various devices and circuits. These modules are preferred over seven segments and other multi segment LEDs. The reasons being: LCDs are economical; easily programmable; have no limitation of displaying special & even custom characters (unlike in seven segments), animations and so on. A 16Ãâ€"2 LCD means it can display 16 characters per line and there are 2 such lines. In this LCD each character is displayed in 5Ãâ€"7 pixel matrix. This LCD has two registers, namely, command and data. The ommand register stores the command instructions given to the LCD. A command is an instruction given to LCD to do a predefined task like initializing it, clearing its screen, setting the cursor position, controlling display etc. The data register stores the data to be displayed on the LCD. The data is the ASCII value of the character to be displayed on th e LCD. Pin Diagram:- [pic] |Pin No |  Function |  Name | |1 |Ground (0V) |Ground | |2 |Supply voltage; 5V (4. 7V – 5. V) |  Vcc | |3 |Contrast adjustment; through a variable resistor |  VEE | |4 |Selects command register when low; and data register when high |Register Select | |5 |Low to write to the register; High to read from the register |Read/write | |6 |Sends data to data pins when a high to low pulse is given |Enable | |7 |8-bit data pins |DB0 | |8 | |DB1 | |9 | |DB2 | |10 | |DB3 | |11 | |DB4 | |12 | |DB5 | |13 | |DB6 | |14 | DB7 | |15 |Backlight VCC (5V) |Led+ | |16 |Backlight Ground (0V) |Led- | PROGRAM TO MAKE A VOTING MACHINE USING LCD #include #define msec 50 #define lcd_data_str_pin P2 sbit rs = P3^0; //Register select (RS) pin sbit rw = P3^1; //Read write(RW) pin sbit en = P3^6; //Enable(EN) pin sbit ini_pin = P1^0; // Start voting pin sbit stop_pin = P1^5; // Stop voting pin sbit candidate_1=P1^1; //Candidate1 sbit candidate_2=P1^2; //Candidate2 sb it candidate_3=P1^3; //Candidate3 sbit candidate_4=P1^4; //Candidate4 int max = 0; int carry = 0; int arr[4]; int vote_amt[3],j; unsigned int vote_1,vote_2,vote_3,vote_4; void delay(int delay_time) // Time delay function { int j,k; for(j=0;j